YOU guys are tellin' ME...
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- Intro -
Some figures like Pericles, Augustus,
and Charlemagne have soared into the high country of Western historical
tradition while Commodus has been disgraced and banished to
a legacy laced with decadence and megalomania.
Only
two primary literary sources (Cassius Dio and Herodian)
concerning Commodus survive, so little information is
known about the emperor's life. Moreover, the quality
of these sources is quite suspect – to
say the least – for historical
purposes. Cassius Dio was a senator under Commodus who
wrote an 80-volume Roman History from a rather biased point-of-view
considering the emperor's metaphysical war with the senate. Herodian
appears to have been a minor Roman civil servant whose style
sought to entertain Greek-speaking audiences in story-telling fashion.
To frame these authors in a modern context, it would be like
the CEO of a private medical insurance corporation writing a
history of the United States after President Obama had overseen
the creation of public health insurance for all U.S. citizens (representing
Cassius Dio's view), and an Iraqi-born lawyer composing a story
in his native language meant to be read primarily by other Iraqis
after he had lived and worked in the U.S. for several years (representing
Herodian's). Additionally, a highly controversial source
named the Historia Augusta still exists that was written
at least 150 years after the emperor's death. In today's world,
this would be like the National Enquirer publishing a biography
of former U.S. President Millard Fillmore.
Below is a "biography" of Commodus
written in mainstream fashion, followed by a slightly tongue-in-cheek
examination of the works of both Cassius Dio and Herodian,
and finally, an exercise delving a little deeper into all of this.
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- "Biography" -
In March of 161 A.D.,
Roman Emperor Antoninus Pius died about 4 months shy of a 23-year reign and was
succeeded by co-emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.
On August 31st of the same year, Faustina
the Younger (wife and maternal cousin of Marcus) gave birth to twins: Titus Aurelius
Fulvus Antoninus (who died about 4 years later) and
Lucius Aurelius Commodus.
The following year, Faustina
the Younger bore Marcus Annius Verus. This child
and Commodus were each named Caesar in October
of 166 during a Roman victory celebration of a 5-year war against
the Parthians.
169 saw the deaths of
both Lucius Verus and Marcus Annius Verus, leaving
Marcus Aurelius the sole emperor and Commodus the sole heir.
By this time, both the Antonine Plague had broken out in the
Empire and the dozen-year struggle (known as the Marcomannic
Wars) against Germanic tribes along the Danube had begun.
Commodus was looked after in his youth by, among others, the physician/philosopher
Galen. It is unclear when the youngster traveled
to the Danube during the wars, but he is believed to have been at
his father's headquarters in Carnuntum in 172 where he presumably
received the title Germanicus in front of the army.
In 175, Commodus received the title Sarmaticus and
traveled with his father to the East where they visited Athens
in 176 and were initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries before
returning to Rome that fall.
A 15 year-old Commodus
received the title Imperator in November of
176 and celebrated a triumph with his father on December
23rd for having
defeated the Germani and the Sarmatae. He was then
made the youngest consul in Roman history up until that
time on January 1st, 177 and eventually held
the consulship 7 times. He was named Augustus
later that year and married Bruttia Crispina in arranged fashion
in 178. Soon after his wedding, he traveled back to the
Danube with his father to resume the wars.
Commodus was 18 years-old
when his father died in on March 17th,
180. Peace with the Germanic tribes soon followed before he
celebrated a triumph in October of that year.
Commodus is said to have
remained in or around Rome for the rest of his life, and
there is considerable evidence to suggest that he was extremely
popular with both the common people and the army. Several
wars were fought during his sole reign – most notably in Britain
– but relative peace along the Danube lasted for the better part of
a generation, which is quite significant considering that Eutropius
described the Marcomannic Wars as “greater than any in the memory
of man, so that it is compared to the Punic wars.”
Commodus assumed the title Brittanicus
in 184 after Ulpius Marcellus (a former governor of Britain)
suppressed a revolt there (note: coin evidence does suggest
that fighting and unrest may have continued for another 2 or
3 years). He also assumed the titles Pius in 183 and
Felix in 185.
Commodus is alleged to have had little to do
with the day-to-day affairs and administration of
the Empire for the first decade of his sole rule, and
instead, delegated these duties to favorites such as palace
chamberlains and praetorian prefects. Saoterus is briefly
mentioned in Dio's work as the apparent first of these followed
by the prefect Perennis and, finally, the chamberlain-turned-prefect
Cleander.
Commodus is alleged to have spent considerable
time performing quite successfully as both a gladiator and
chariot-racer. Around 190/191, the emperor
began identifying himself with Hercules and had numerous coins
minted and statues erected
depicting himself wearing a lion's hide and holding a club.
He was assassinated the day before the New Year of 193.
The initial obverses of his coins refer to
him as Commodo Caesar; "son of" Augustus; Germanicus
and later include Sarmaticus. Imperator Lucius
Aurelius eventually replaced "son
of" Augustus while Commodo
morphed to Commodus. Before his sole emperorship, some reverse titles
include Tribunitia, Potestas, Imperator, Consul,
Pater Patriae, and Senatus Consulto. Some personifications
depicted are Hilaritas (rejoicing), Castor (a gemini twin), Spes (hope), Salus (health), Pietas
(duty to one's state, gods, and family), Virtus (courage, character, excellence, manliness,
etc.), Fortuna, Minerva, Victoria, Roma, and Jupiter.
Upon becoming sole emperor, his obverse title
began Marcus Commodus Antoninus Augustus before Pius,
Brittanicus, and Felix were added years later.
Pontifex Maximus was added to his reverse titles in
183, and additional personifications include Liberalitas (generosity),
Aequitas (fairness and honesty), Felicitas (good luck/success),
Providentia (forethought), Pax (peace), Annona (produce of the year),
Concordia (harmony), Fides (trust), Securitas, Mars, and
Apollo.
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- Cassius Dio/Herodian
-
Considering that both authors had vastly different
perspectives, intended audiences, and writing styles, a simultaneous
examination of their works is going to be a bit messy.
But here goes. :)
Purple:
Dio
Green:
Herodian
Dio begins his 73rd
book by describing Commodus as a guileless, simple, and cowardly
man who had "missed the better life and was
then led on into lustful and cruel habits, which soon became
second nature." Some more shots at Commodus throughout
this book include:
"...he hated all
exertion and craved the comfortable life of the city."
"Commodus was guilty of many
unseemly deeds, and killed a great many people."
"I should
render my narrative very tedious were I to give
a detailed report of all the persons put to death by Commodus,
of all those whom he made away with as the
result of false
accusations or unjustified suspicions or because of their
conspicuous wealth, distinguished family, unusual learning,
or some other point of excellence."
"Commodus was
wholly devoted to pleasure and gave himself up to chariot-racing..."
"Commodus devoted most of his life to ease
and to horses and to combats of wild beasts and of men.
In fact, besides all that he did in private, he often
slew in public
large numbers of men
and beasts as well."
Commodus "(cared)...nothing for anything of that nature (probably
meaning the duties of his office); and, indeed, if he had
been deeply concerned, he would not have
been able to administer
them by reason of his indolence and his inexperience."
"And Commodus
was so terrified (he was ever the greatest coward)..."
"Commodus,
taking a respite from his amusements and sports, turned
to murder and was killing off the prominent men."
"...Commodus was
a greater curse to the Romans than any pestilence or any
crime."
"...but Amazonius and Exsuperatorius he applied constantly to
himself, to indicate that in every respect he surpassed
absolutely all mankind superlatively; so
superlatively
mad had the abandoned wretch become."
Fortunately, Dio assures us that
he not only has just authority for relaying his account
to us, but has also deemed it prudent to omit no details.
"I state these and subsequent facts, not,
as hitherto, on the authority of others' reports, but from my own
observation."
"And let no one
feel that I am sullying the dignity of history by recording
such occurrences. On most accounts, to be sure, I should
not have mentioned this exhibition;
but since it was
given by the emperor himself, and since I was present
myself and took part in everything seen, heard and spoken, I have
thought proper to suppress none
of the details,
but to hand them down, trivial as they are, just like any
events of the greatest weight and importance. And, indeed,
all the other events that took place in
my lifetime I shall
describe with more exactness and detail than earlier occurrences,
for the reason that I was present when they happened and
know no one else, among
those who have any
ability at writing a worthy record of events, who has so
accurate a knowledge of them as I."
Dio declares that Commodus was
19 years-old when his father passed away when it appears
he was actually 18. He then recounts some of the terms that
Commodus imposed on the Germanic tribes upon the conclusion
of the Marcomannic Wars before asserting that Commodus went on to
kill "practically all those who had attained eminence during
his father's reign and his own, with the exception of Pompeianus, Pertinax
and Victorinus." Meanwhile, Herodian claims that
Commodus – regarding the Germanic tribes – "bargained for release from care and gave them everything
they demanded." He follows by alleging that Commodus "deferred to the advisors appointed by his father"
two chapters after stating that Commodus "no longer
consulted his advisors about anything."
Dio then briefly mentions an alleged
conspiracy around 182 involving a sister of Commodus named
Lucilla (who had been married to Lucius Verus) and a nephew of
Pompeianus before remarking that both Lucilla and Crispina (who
had supposedly angered Commodus by an act of adultery) were exiled
to the island of Capri before being executed.
Herodian also states that Lucilla was detected in the plot
and killed but makes no mention of Crispina's fate. He then
claims that this "was the initial reason for
the young emperor's hatred of the senate."
Dio then provides us with details
of some prominent men who were supposedly killed by the emperor
before admitting that Commodus "occasionally
performed an act of public service" along with displaying
"many indications of wealth" and
"a love of the beautiful" in the city of
Rome. Shortly afterwards, he illustrates some intrigue regarding
Ulpius Marcellus and the Roman struggle in Britain before mentioning
Perennis. According to Dio: "...inasmuch as Commodus had
given himself up to chariot-racing and licentiousness and
performed scarcely any of the duties pertaining to his office,
Perennis was compelled to manage not only the military affairs,
but everything else as well, and to stand at the head of the State.
The soldiers, accordingly, whenever any matter did not turn
out to their satisfaction, laid the blame upon Perennis and were angry
with him." Apparently, 1500 "javelin
men" were chosen by Pertinax to leave Britain and enter
Italy, which – interestingly
enough – they successfully accomplished "without encountering any
resistance." They then confronted Commodus with
their concerns about Perennis before the emperor allowed this
prefect (along with close members of his family) to be killed by
these soldiers.
Herodian gives a vastly different
impression regarding both the ambitions of Perennis and
the manner of how Commodus discovered this alleged threat. While Dio claims that Perennis "privately...never strove
in the least for either fame or wealth, but lived a most incorruptible
and temperate life; and as for Commodus and his imperial office,
he guarded them in complete security," Herodian asserts
that he had an "insatiable lust for money," "was
harsh and unbearable in his insolence and arrogance," and "began to plot for the empire." Futhermore,
Herodian recounts a tale about a man dressed as a philosopher who
bursted onto stage at a theater at which Commodus was both spectator
and judge to warn the emperor about Perennis. Although this
accuser was quickly killed, intimate friends of Commodus soon brought
charges against the prefect, and he was eventually murdered on orders
of the emperor.
Herodian also mentions an assassination
attempt led by a man named Maternus (of which Dio makes
no mention). As an army deserter, he had "collected a huge mob of desperadoes" before
launching his plot in Rome during a festival by "donning the uniform of a praetorian soldier and outfitting
his companions in the same way, (hoping) to mingle with the true
praetorians and, after watching part of the parade, to attack
Commodus and kill him while no one was on guard." This
plan failed, and Maternus was seized and beheaded.
Supposedly, Cleander became the head
of state after the death of Perennis and "refrained from no form of mischief, selling
all privileges, and indulging in wantonness and debauchery."
Dio and Herodian both agree that this man had originally been
a slave brought to Rome and then sold. Dio asserts that
Cleander "bestowed and sold senatorships, military
commands, pocuratorships, governorships, and, in a word, everything.
In fact, some men became senators only after spending all
they possessed." Haha...REALLY? Poor senators
in Rome, eh? Tsk, tsk. Although the details differ, both
primary authors claim that the populace was responsible for bringing
about the death of Cleander around 190 after blaming him for a food
shortage.
According to Dio, Commodus then begain
another killing spree of prominent men at about the same
time that "a pestilence occurred, the
greatest of any of which I have knowledge; for two
thousand persons often died in Rome in a single day. Then,
too, many others, not alone in the City, but throughout almost
the entire empire, perished at the hands of criminals who smeared
some deadly drugs on tiny needles and for pay infected people with
the poison by means of these instruments." A fire also broke out in the city of Rome
around 191 which destroyed the temple of Pax, thereby making
"paupers of many rich men...in a single night." This fire "continued to burn for days" and "swept on to destroy a large part of the city, including
its most beautiful buildings."
Herodian claims that "with so many
disasters befalling the city in rapid succession, the Roman
people no longer looked with favor upon Commodus; they attributed
their misfortunes to his illegal murders and the other mistakes
he had made in his lifetime. He no longer concealed his activities,
nor did he have any desire to keep them secret. What they
objected to his doing in private he now had the effrontery to do
in public. He fell into a state of drunken madness."
Both sources indicate that it was
around this time when Commodus starting elevating his conduct
to another level. Dio declares that "whatever honours they (the Romans) had been wont
to vote to his father out of affection, they were now compelled out
of fear and by direct command to assign also to the son." A
thousand-pound statue was erected depicting Commodus along with a
bull and cow, and "it was voted that his age should
be named the 'Golden Age', and that this should be recorded in all
the records without exception."
Dio claims that "this 'Golden One', this 'Hercules'...suddenly
drove into Rome one afternoon from his suburb and conducted
thirty horse-races in the space of two hours." Evidently,
the emperor was short on funds because, among other things, he was "fond...of bestowing gifts, and frequently gave
largesses to the populace at the rate of one hundred and forty denarii
per man." Dio then accuses Commodus of killing yet more
people and forcing some to sell their lives for their property, even ordering
"us, our wives, and our children each to contribute
two gold pieces every year on his birthday as a kind of first-fruits,
and commanded the senators in all other cities to give five denarii
apiece. Of this, too, he saved nothing, but spent it all disgracefully
on his wild beasts and his gladiators."
As for the emperor's flare for the
spectacle, Dio states that "in public, he
nowhere drove chariots except sometimes on a moonless night
for though he was eager to play the charioteer in public, too,
he was ashamed to be seen doing so; but in private he was constantly
doing it, adopting the Green uniform. As for wild beasts,
however, he slew many both in private and in public. Moreover,
he used to contend as a gladiator." Both Dio and Herodian
admit that Commodus the gladiator never killed a man in public, but
Dio claims that he did so privately every now and then.
In the arena, Commodus once "killed a hundred bears all by himself,"
before "descending to the arena from his
place above and cut down all the domestic animals that approached
him and some also that were led up to him or were brought before
him in nets. He also killed a tiger, a hippopotamus, and an
elephant. Having performed these exploits, he would retire,
but later, after luncheon, would fight as a gladiator." Dio
alleges a particular spectacle that lasted fourteen days in which Commodus
received "a million sesterces from the gladiatorial
fund each day." During this time, the senators would
"shout out whatever we were commanded, and especially
these words continually: 'Thou art lord and thou art
first, of all men most fortunate. Victor thou art, and victor
thou shalt be; from everlasting, Amazonian, thou art victor.'
But of the populace in general, many did not enter the amphitheatre
at all, and others departed after merely glancing inside, partly from
shame at what was going on, partly also from fear, inasmuch as a report
spread abroad that he would want to shoot a few of the spectators in
imitation of Hercules and the Stymphalian birds. And this story
was believed, too, because he had once got together all the men in
the city who had lost their feet as the result of disease or some accident,
and then, after fastening about their knees some likenesses of serpents'
bodies, and giving them sponges to throw instead of stones, had killed
them with blows of a club, pretending that they were giants."
He continues, "this fear
was shared by all, by us senators as well as by
the rest. And here is another thing that he did
to us senators which gave us every reason to look for our
death. Having killed an ostrich and cut off his head, he came
up to where we were sitting, holding the head in his left hand and
in his right
hand raising aloft his bloody sword; and though he spoke not a word,
yet he wagged his head with a grin, indicating that he would treat us
in the same way."
Herodian writes that the instructors
of Commodus were "the most skillful of the
Parthian bowmen and the most accurate of the Moroccan javelin
men, but he surpassed them all in marksmanship"
before mentioning that a "terrace encircling the arena
had been constructed for Commodus, enabling him to avoid
risking his life by fighting the animals at close quarters;
rather, by hurling his javelins down from a safe place, he offered
a display of skill rather than of courage. Deer, roebuck, and horned animals of all kinds,
except bulls, he struck down, running with them in pursuit, anticipating
their dashes, and killing them with deadly blows. Lions,
leopards, and other animals of the nobler sort he killed from above,
running around on his terrace. And on no occasion did anyone
see a second javelin used, nor any wound except the death wound. For at the very moment the animal started up, it
received the blow on its forehead or in its heart, and it bore no other
wound, nor did the javelin pierce any other part of its body: the beast
was wounded and killed in the same instant."
He goes on that "once when
a leopard, with a lightning dash, seized a condemned criminal,
he thwarted the leopard with his javelin as it was about to
close its jaws; he killed the beast and rescued the man, the point
of the javelin anticipating the points of the leopard's teeth.
Again, when a hundred lions appeared in one group as if from beneath
the earth, he killed the entire hundred with exactly one hundred
javelins, and all the bodies lay stretched out in a straight line
for some distance; they could thus be counted with no difficulty,
and no one saw a single extra javelin." Dio also claims that "...all alone with his own hands, he dispatched
five hippopotami together with two elephants on two successive
days; and he also killed rhinoceroses and a camelopard."
Additionally, "even if his conduct was hardly becoming
for an emperor, he did win the approval of the mob for his courage
and his marksmanship. But when he came into the amphitheater
naked, took up arms, and fought as a gladiator, the people saw
a disgraceful spectacle..." Commodus supposedly
"defeated his opponents with ease, and he did
no more than wound them, since they all submitted to him, but
only because they knew he was the emperor, not because he was
truly a gladiator. At last he became so demented that he was
unwilling to live in the imperial palace, but wished to change
his residence to the gladiatorial barracks."
Dio and Herodian differ a bit on the
details of the emperor's assassination – including
the date (Dio asserts it was on December 31st while Herodian claims it was on New Year's
Day). Dio alleges that Commodus seemed to have wanted to slay
both consuls of the day while Laetus (a praetorian prefect) and
Eclectus (his chamberlain) had grown "displeased
at the things he was doing." They supposedly caused
his mistress Marcia to poison him – which
failed – so they sent an athlete named Narcissus to
strangle Commodus while he was taking a bath. However, Herodian
claims that an enraged Commodus (after Marcia, Laetus, and Eclectus
had pleaded with him to not disgrace the Empire by celebrating the
New Year by appearing in clad armor from the gladitorial barracks
instead of in the imperial purple at the palace) "retired to his bedroom for a nap (for this was his
custom in the middle of the day)...and wrote down the names of
those who were to be put to death that night.
Marcia's name was at the top of the list, followed by Laetus
and Eclectus and a large number of the foremost senators. Commodus
wanted all the elder statesmen and the advisers appointed for
him by his father, those who still survived, to be put to death, for
he was ashamed to have these revered men witness his disgraceful actions.
He planned to confiscate the property of the wealthy and distribute
it to the soldiers, so that they would protect him, and to the
gladiators, so that they would entertain him." A
child who was playing idly about the palace then supposedly walked
into the emperor's room after Commodus "had
gone out to his usual baths and drinking bouts" and picked
up the tablet. Marcia then saw and took the tablet from the
boy after hugging and kissing him. She then took it to Eclectus,
who showed it to Laetus before they all agreed that Commodus had
to die. Marcia then poisoned him before Narcissus (a powerful
young nobleman according to Herodian) "rushed
in where the emperor lay overcome by poisoned wine, seized him by the
throat, and finished him off."
Herodian conclues that Commodus was
the "most nobly born of all the emperors who preceded
him and was the handsomest man of his time, both in beauty
of features and in physical development. If it were fitting
to discuss his manly qualities, he was inferior to no man in
skill and in marksmanship, if only he had not disgraced these
excellent traits by shameful practices."
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- A Little Deeper
-
A significant
point regarding the reign of Commodus – at least
from a power perspective – is that
he basically declared war on the senate. Herodian alludes to this
like it was well-known during his time ("the initial reason
for the emperor's hatred"), and Dio's disgust for the man is
clearly evident.
Two other factors should also be considered:
1) When studying
history, one must slip into perspectives applicable to the
time period under investigation. Barring any sort
of direct connection to the ancient Rome of
the late 2nd-century B.C., this is virtually
impossible to accomplish in this case because of the limited
amount of surviving information.
2) As a corollary
to the first factor, it must be remembered that the vast majority
of relevant literature, statues, paintings, and inscriptions
have long vanished. Therefore,
any attempt to reconstruct a comprehensive understanding
in a traditional manner would be foolish. Now, this does
not imply that a serious study cannot be
attempted using the surviving evidence, but it must be
stressed that the best anyone can do (again, barring anything
out of the ordinary) is extremely limited in scope.
Thesis
Throughout most of his reign, Commodus cooperated
with the Roman elite – particularly the
senate – regarding both his public perception
and his position in the power structure. But when he began
desiring a more authentic imperial role (to which the senate undoubtedly
objected), he was forced to either
submit or assert himself. Apparently choosing the latter,
Commodus then initiated a war with the senate over the metaphysical
domination of Rome. In this light, the emperor's motives were
rooted not in madness or megalomania. Rather, he simply employed a practical tool of warfare: use his popularity
via the imperial cult to send a message that power, in fact, rested with
him.
Part I – Early Years
Let us begin by examining a slice of
the climate that existed when Commodus ascended the sole emperorship.
The Romans had been battling numerous tribes along
the Danube for over 12 years, and a great plague that killed
millions of people throughout its course was still active. The previous 4 generations of
emperors had each been rooted in
adoption, meaning that Commodus was the first man in over 98
years to have become emperor due to birth. Now, it is probably
safe to assume that most Romans – especially the soldiers – had likely desired a respite after years of devastating
disease and war. Additionally, while fighting under
Marcus had initially surfaced due to the nature of the situation
and had later continued due to Roman resolve, this emperor was now
dead, meaning an opportunity for change was on the horizon.
Our two primary authors would have us believe
that Commodus shied away from continuing this war because he
was lazy and wished to return to Rome. However, it is quite
possible that making peace was a calculated move by not only Commodus
(who may have actually had little influence over the matter), but by the military elite. After all,
the Romans finally had an opportunity to save face; for imagine how
it would have looked if they had made peace without a decisive victory
during the time of Marcus –
weakness!
And consider the socio-political energy
that this decision could have generated: a new, young
emperor marching into Rome posing as a triumphant general fresh
off making peace after a long and costly war; the first man born
into the high imperial rank after almost a century; the opportunity
to create a divine-like aura using images of victory, peace, and
prosperity. Any good propaganda minister would have drooled
over this situation.
If one believes that an environment of prolonged
adversity (in this case, war and disease) provides opportunities
for men with great potential to actualize to a high degree, then
many strong men were made during
the time of Marcus Aurelius. Furthermore, it seems likely
that when Marcus died, a culture of military and probably political sophistication had existed amongst the warrior
elite. Therefore, upon his death, members of this elite would
have had the skill, experience, and auctoritas required for
effective leadership. Now, also considering that a healthy imperial
dynasty had existed and that many of the soldiers had probably been
hoping for an end to a war with no decisive victory in sight, it had
been in the best interest of the Roman State to have taken advantage
of this face-saving opportunity. The warriors could thereby
enjoy their newfound wealth as the Roman people shared in the war spoils,
and a metaphysical facade could be constructed for a new era.
Additionally,
any notion that Commodus had wanted to establish his claim
to the throne at this time seems quite suspect. Remember,
seasoned and sophisticated veterans had probably called the major
shots immediately after the death of Marcus. These men had served
together for many years, had
developed mutual respect through the hell of war, and had probably
seen enough fighting to last the rest of their lives so it is doubtful
that much plotting had been in the works – especially
considering the existence of a well-established imperial system.
Plus, as civil wars are usually
devastating, undergoing one at this particular time would have been
especially costly. Indeed,
since overthrowing a dynasty is no small task that requires a great
deal of support from many layers of society, would anyone at this
time have reasonably expected success in challenging the current system
after such a long and brutal war? It seems highly doubtful, and
as a result, the position of Commodus appears to have been quite secure;
and therefore, the best interest of the State would have been to have
maintained the status quo – at least in appearance.
Meanwhile, Commodus had been situated
to act out his role as the official State leader in the eyes of the masses (note: Although
he was, in fact, the emperor, it is doubtful that the elite
recognized him as the true leader of Rome at this time. A
situation like Octavian overcoming heavy adversity in his youth by
defeating his enemies and thereby proving his military-political capabilities
is a far cry from the scenario Commodus found himself in.
Sure, he was the official imperial head and probably received
respect in some light, but he had not yet proven himself in any
real-world context). At this point, Commodus had no reason to feel
threatened or worry about anything other than the conclusion of many
years of war and, therefore, had probably recognized the benefits of
cooperating with the elite to reach this goal.
The glory and triumphs that Commodus
received upon his return were mostly for the blossoming of State
and imperial imagery. To illustrate, first consider the
motives of the senators and other warrior elite. They had
just made peace and were probably desiring the good life while basking
in an image of prosperity. What better way to have done this
than to have cast the limelight onto a youthful emperor and prop him
up as the focal point of this image? After all, they had known who was really in charge and
understood that imperial cults and other imagery were used primarily to influence the masses while sustaining a healthy
illusion of the State. So while Commodus had publicly taken credit
for victories won by other strong men, this was just how it worked in imperial
Rome (to an extent). Besides, the strong had their spoils and had been
relatively satisfied with their positions of power, so a 19 year-old parading
around in traditional fashion probably didn't rub them too much the wrong
way. Indeed, they had actually been better situated than they would
have been under previous emperors who had possessed more auctoritas
and, therefore, more real power than that of Commodus.
Secondly, the imperial family already
had plenty of wealth so their primary desire at this time would
have likely been to develop a healthy imperial cult. From
their point-of-view, the public perception of Commodus as a golden
emperor paving the way for a prosperous age must have looked very
appealing. As a result, a
cooperative harmony probably formed between the imperial family and
other elites during the 180's – with both sects
sharing power and influence, but with the senate likely assuming
more than the usual custom. What
a blissful marriage this must have been at the onset.
Part II – Propaganda
and Later Years
The propaganda campaign during the honeymoon
must have been one for the ages. For example, coins struck during Commodus's first year
as sole emperor depict him as a triumphant general delivering the victory
spoils to Rome. Also,
at least 7 largesses were granted by the imperial family to
the Roman people during his sole reign. Several commemorative
coins of Marcus Aurelius were issued (which had been a common custom),
and many coins were created with traditional imagery and titles for
the young emperor. One can only imagine the literature, statues,
paintings, and religious customs during this time that celebrated
Commodus as an almost divine-like figure. "At last, an emperor
has descended from the imperial family! After so many years
of the gods deeming imperial power to pass not by blood, but by adoption...oh
magnificent Commodus, you must surley be a gift from destiny!
We worship you, oh mighty deliverer from years of war and disease...hooray!"
Indeed, he must have been walking on air in the eyes of not only the
people of Rome proper, but throughout many in the Empire.
Now, while Commodus was still developing
during his 20's, this power-sharing accompanied by a widely
distributed imperial image probably suited him just fine. But
when he came into his own, it is likely that he may have actually
wanted to BE the emperor instead of just a showcase. After
all, people in lofty eschelons of society had been telling him
since he was a kid that he would be emperor some day. Further
still, it is fairly safe to assume that he had not been ignorant of
politics and had probably learned much from his stoic father, not
to mention from Galen and other masters patroned by the imperial family.
Plus, State imagery and propaganda were in everybody's faces. Did
senators really believe he would just play the role of emperor-presented-to-the-masses,
but not emperor-in-practice his whole life?
Both the inner workings of this power-sharing
and the details of the tension that undoubtedly arose between
the two sides will probably never be known to posterity. But
in any case, the turning point in this relationship appears to have
been around 190/191, when the emperor was about 29 or 30 years old.
This was also around the time that a great fire broke out in
Rome and destroyed a number of temples and large areas of the city;
not to mention the 700th anniversary of the Roman
Republic. These two events provided great opportunities for the
emperor to have presented himself to the public in grand fashion:
in one instance as the glorified leader consoling the distraught
urban masses through a state of mourning; the other, while celebrating
the foundation of a political order that supposedly still existed.
It appears that Commodus took great advantage
of the imperial cult that had been molded during the previous
decade by escalating the propaganda to heights rather ridiculous
even for the Romans. While Hercules had been a god to whom
the Antonines had traditionally linked themselves, Commodus launched
this bond into another realm. One coin from the early 190's
depicts him wearing a lion skin
with one hand holding a club and the other resting on a trophy. Another
shows him similarly dressed while driving a plough with some oxen. Additionally, the infamous bust of the emperor's
apotheosis contains much symbolism regarding the deeds of Hercules:
the lion headdress represents the slaying of the Nemean lion,
the left hand holds the apples of Hesperides, the base contains a plate
with an image of a Gorgon (possibly Medusa) flanked by two eagles, and
two Amazon women originally knelt beneath two cornucopiae. Commodus
even identified with Jupiter in an extreme manner: one coin
depicts them standing together with the supreme god holding a thunderbolt in one hand with his other resting
on Commodus's left shoulder, while the emperor is holding a globe
and scepter.
The emperor also changed his name around this
time. By substituting "Lucius" for "Marcus," he essentially re-assumed his original
praenomen in place of his father's (which he had assumed upon
the latter's death in 180). Also, by replacing "Antoninus"
with "Aelius," Commodus then identified himself with two Roman gens – the Aurelii
(of both Marcus Aurelius and Antoninus Pius) and the Aelia
(of Hadrian), but dropped the cognomen used by the two previous
generations.
Dio also informs us that Commodus renamed Rome Commodiana, (styling it the "Immortal, Fortunate Colony of the Whole Earth"), bestowed the legions with a similar title,
referred to the senate as the "fortunate Commodian senate," and renamed the months
of the year after himself:
Amazonius, Invictus, Felix, Pius, Lucius, Aelius, Aurelius, Commodus, Augustus, Herculeus, Romanus, Exsuperatorius. The reverse of one particular
coin labels Rome Colonia Lucia Antoniniana Commodiana. Also, the Historia Augusta
mentions that he renamed the fleet that imported grain from
Africa Commodiana Herculea.
Aside from coins, hard evidence is scarce.
Indeed, very few inscripted monuments pertaining to
Commodus can ever be expected to surface. Since the senate eventually condemned
the emperor's memory, all related monuments and images were thus ordered
to be destroyed or at least undergo the removal of dedicated inscriptions.
However, one such monument does survive that was dedicated to Commodus
on 17 March, 193 at Dura-Europos in modern
Syria – suggesting that the range of Commodus's
escalated propaganda was widespread throughout the Empire. Apparently,
news of the emperor's demise had not yet reached this city where
an under-officer named Tittianus erected an altar honoring the
Dies Commodianus – an official holiday later abolished by the senate commemorating the anniversary of the emperor's
sole rule. Its inscriptions contain personal titles such as
Dominus Noster (our
lord), Pacator Orbis (pacifier
of the world), and Invictus Romanus Hercules (unconquerable
Roman Hercules). The local army unit is referred to as a Commodiana
rather than an auxilia, and the word Pius is used with
reference to a month. Furthermore, there is evidence of cult propaganda in Britain (see:
Rostovtseff, Journal of
Roman Studies vol. 13 [1923]), Germany (a statue of Commodus-Hercules found
in Kongen), and north Africa (a centurion's altar to the Romanus Hercules
from Volubilis in Mauretania).
While a possible
motive for the emperor's propaganda escalation has already been
posited – to assert his imperial power – how did
Commodus get away with this seemingly over-the-top imagery? He
obviously didn't do so in
the long run, but it appears
that his enhanced status existed throughout the Empire for at
least two years. First of all, he must have been extremely
popular with the people, the army, and the Praetorian Guard to have
pulled this off, and 10+ years of State propaganda must have undoubtedly
produced an aura of almost divine-like status for him. Surely,
if past emperors had tried raising their images to this type of level
without an already existing aura similar to that of the Roman Hercules',
they would have been laughed out of the palace; for while the nature
of the Principate had vested ultimate power in the emperor, this reality
had been presented through a guise of his being "first among equals."
Commodus remained popular even after his death. Herodian
writes that Didius Julianus had promised in 193 "to revive the memory of Commodus, to restore
his honors, and to re-erect his statues which the senate had pulled
down; he further promised to restore to the praetorians all the powers
they had possessed under that emperor..." Now why would Julianus
have made these promises if they had not been favorable to many people?
After all, he had been in the process of seeking the ultimate power
prize and would've wanted to have placated as many layers of society as
possible. Further still, according to Herodian, the guard even
"thought it appropriate that
he (Julianus) assume the name of Commodus." If one understands the importance
that Romans placed on names and titles, this resonates with thundering
significance.
Septimius Severus even deified Commodus a few
years after the latter's death. Since there is little
doubt that Severus had wanted to establish a strong, healthy dynasty
that would have lasted for generations, he certainly would have strengthened his
position by linking himself to previous
emperors...but why the Roman Hercules? If Commodus had
truly been "cowardly," and "guilty of many unseemly deeds" and
"a greater curse to the Romans than any pestilence or any crime,"
why on earth would Severus not only have him deified, but also adopt himself
into the Antonine family as his brother? This only makes sense
if many layers of society would have respected the imagery with which
Severus was identifying (i.e. would it have been wise for the chancellor
of Germany in 1949 to have linked himself with Hitler?).
Moreover, coins were issued during Severus's
reign commemorating Commodus. Further still, coins
during the reign of Decius (249-251) were struck consecrating
Commodus as Divo Commodo with an eagle on the reverse. For modern
comparison, what are the odds that either coins or stamps will be
released anytime soon celebrating Stalin?
Even Christian tradition holds this emperor's
period in high esteem. For Eusebius writes, "in the reign of Commodus, our condition became
more favorable, and through the grace of God the churches
throughout the entire world enjoyed peace."
Imagine how the senators must have felt watching the emperor
use the very image they had helped mold over the previous decade
to publicly elevate his position of power. Indeed, the senate must have been livid at Commodus's
heightened propaganda, but what could they have done? For
reasons already mentioned, the emperor had been uniquely situated
to have succeeded with this sort of escalation, and due to its
non-violent nature, the senators' hands had been bound to the use
of force (or, at least, until they'd finally had it). They could
have tried discrediting him, but that's exactly the point – the image of Commodus had been so magnificent
that it would have been political suicide to have ridiculed
him!
As far
as the surviving literature is considered, it seems clear that a tradition developed to slander
and condemn the name of Commodus after his death, portraying him
as an incompetent, decadent coward full of madness. The senate
certainly had the motive to have supported this. From their
point-of-view, a good little thing had existed during the 180's,
and to have watched this man assert himself the way he did must have
raised a fury. Of course, while it had not been unusual for senators
of previous generations to express harsh judgment and criticism at
deceased emperors (Nero, Domitian, etc.), their collective sentiment
towards Commodus must have been truly vindictive.
Herodian appears to have been a distributor
of this slanderous portrayal, and it is clear that the tradition
was still in existence by the time of the Historia Augusta.
Of course, the elite clearly had their work cut out for them
by having to destroy mountains of propaganda depicting the emperor
favorably, so an aggressive approach was undoubtedly needed to eradicate
his magnificent image from the cultural consciousness. Hehe...Commodus killed 100 lions with exactly 100
javelins, eh? And was more accurate than all the Parthian bowmen
and Moroccan javelin men? Was unable to administer the Empire
because of indolence? And how exactly does a lazy man not only participate
in chariot races, but also acquire such amazing skill in gladiatorial
combats and beastly battles? Now, while it is certainly possible
that Commodus played an unusual role in the Colosseum (emerging from
the gladiatorial barracks as the gladiators' leader seems reasonable,
but it is virtually impossible to glimpse the truthful aspects behind
this legend), it is preposterous to seriously indulge even a tiny fraction
of the tales preserved in the surviving literature. Further still,
the fact that Commodus had possessed relatively little power during the
180's is alluded to in the tradition albeit through a fictitious portrayal
intending to depict weakness and incompetence (i.e. how likely is it
that seasoned war veterans and other sophisticated elites would have "allowed"
the emperor to delegate his power to chamberlains and other personal favorites
while killing off many prominent men?).
Yes, the enemies of Commodus surely had to
embellish and flat-out lie to an incredible degree in order to
combat the propaganda that had been molded for over a decade.
Indeed, how likely is it that a man raised in such a sophisticated
environment (Marcus Aurelius had been a well-educated philosopher,
one of his masters was one of the most prolific writers and learned men
of antiquity, etc.) basically went mad and held the Empire hostage? Furthermore,
are we to believe that the power structure at this time was such that
Roman elites submitted to the emperor's will simply because of his
imperial status? Please. Such harsh and outlandish illustrations
only make rational sense upon the understanding of the senators' collective
attitude towards Commodus upon the commencement of his image escalation
and their resulting need to discredit such a highly revered man.
After all, if he had truly been just a "bad" ruler, why not employ
the usual tricks and exaggerations instead of creating such a ludicrous
tradition?
Part
III – Conclusion
In
summary, the reign of Commodus probably began with Roman elites
viewing the death of Marcus Aurelius as an opportunity to save
face by making peace with Germanic tribes they had been battling for
years. Wishing to enjoy tranquility and the spoils of war,
they constructed propaganda that
ushered in a period of prosperity
using Commodus as the golden boy. The emperor cooperated
with this image for quite some time – perhaps
even a decade – until he began desiring more than just the
spotlight. He then took advantage of his imperial
image by raising it to a level which would have surely seemed ridiculous
to Roman elites (and normally to many of the people as well, but
considering Commodus's already
existing imagery, they had been
willing to accept it). The
resulting power struggle lasted for at least two years and eventually
ended with the emperor's assassination, severing the Antonine dynasty
with no heir to the throne.
The consequences of Commodus's death
were immense for the Roman State. First of all, without
an established dynasty in place, a power vacuum developed which
quickly led to internal war. Secondly, the overall metaphysical
system of Rome imploded and eventually (after a band-aid was briefly
applied by the Severan dynasty) plummeted the Empire into a period
of instability – a state then unfamiliar to the cultural
consciousness as it had been over a century since the previous
set of civil wars – as a
new group of power-sharks battled for the ultimate prize in their
game.
In a broader context, the death of Commodus
can be viewed as the spark that caused Rome's 3rd
century crisis – which appears to have been metaphysical
in nature. After all, the army had still been plenty capable,
strong men still existed, and the Empire certainly controlled
vast resources of land, people, and wealth. But the lack
of a cohesive web depicting a healthy
State with stable central power proved to be devastating. The
Severan dynasty enjoyed moderate success – especially in
the first generation – not just because of strong leadership, but
also because of its connection to an image-system that many layers
of society (the people, army, guard, elites, etc.) accepted. After
this dynasty fell, Rome became devoid of an effective metaphysical
system, and as a result, it is no wonder why so many otherwise capable
rulers with battlefield success ultimately failed in long-lasting bids
for the throne. Had one of these men managed to construct a successful
image-system instead of just winning over the armies, his position would
have been much more secure. This assertion is supported by the
fact that it wasn't until the reign of Diocletian beginning in 284 who
DID construct an efficient, although flawed system before the Empire
finally returned to a stable central footing.
What
an irony, indeed, that caused the explosion of Rome's power
structure after so many generations of elite prosperity. Mythological,
religious, and cultic imagery had been used for centuries to
mold a complex metaphysical web that had allowed Roman elites to dominate
the impressionable masses while maintaining a sophisticated illusion
of their State. And then to have one man raise this web to
such extraordinary heights in order to assert the power vested in him
by the very State this imagery represented is all too fitting as one
of the great buried tales of world history.